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The figure of Kokopelli adorns earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other modes of fashion these days. However, before the 16th century, he graced cave walls, cliffs, and ceramics. Few people outside the Pueblo cultures know much about the mythical figure other than his value as a decoration. Even fewer know his origins. Among the Southwestern Pueblos, Kokopelli (which is a name derived from Hopi-Zuni origins) has been revered as a powerful kachina, or god, for generations. He has had the title of Rain God, Fertility God, and Hunting God bestowed upon him throughout the ages. He has been depicted with various qualities which will be described in detail further; among them being a distinct hump on his back. He is as legendary a figure among the Pueblos as Christ is among the Christians, and just as revered. Yet, few outside the Four-Corners region know anything about this versatile deity. The question remains, where did Kokopelli originate? Why is he so important to the Pueblos? In this paper, I will examine the various opinions and theories in an attempt to answer these questions. Kokopelli is one of the few Native American deities to have survived since ancient times. His image in rock art has spanned over a thousand years, from the earliest flute players dated at 500 B.C. up to the time of the Spanish. Rock art depictions are most numerous in the Chaco Canyon-Canyon de Chelly area, in drainages of the Rio Grande, San Juan, and Colorado rivers.1 The appearances of Kokopelli occur mostly within the Anasazi, Mogollon, Fremont, and Hohokam traditions. He also appears with less frequency in the Mississippian cultures and as a humpbacked woman rather than as a male. The earliest evidence of a Kokopelli-type figure occurs in the Basket Maker III tradition of the Anasazi. Prior to 500 A.D., they occur as flute players without a hump or phallus.2 However, after A.D. 1000, they are present with hump and phallus in Anasazi rock art, pottery, and wall paintings. They also appear on ceramics of the Mimbres in southern New Mexico around A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1150 and on Hohokam pottery by A.D. 750 to A.D. 850.3 Most rock art sites are sacred to Native Americans today, just as they were in ancient times. The art can be found in places that were used for a variety of purposes. The Mogollon culture consists of two branches, the Jornada and the Mimbres. Within these two branches, "depictions of humpbacked, and sometimes phallic figures are found in rock art and ceramics, but none is playing the flute." 4 Such types of figures resemble the Kokopelli figure, and thus, are likely related images. Another feature of Kokopelli is the inclusion, or replacement of the flute by a staff. Sometimes the staff has a crook, which could represent a ceremonial object.5 In southeastern Utah; rock art of the Anasazi portrays crooks in association with copulating couples. It is possible the crooked staff may be a planting stick, which connotes a fertility aspect with will be discussed later.6 Kokopelli may have had his origins in Meso-America. Many experts believe the deity originated among the Aztecs or Mayans. According to Miller, Ed Chuah, a prehistoric Mayan deity, may actually be ancestral Kokopelli. He "wears a backpack, carries a staff, and is patron of hunters, traveling merchants, and beekeepers."7 Grant and Parsons assert the appearance of traders from Meso-America as possible origins for Kokopelli. As noted in Lister & Lister, ancient pathways extending from Chaco Canyon weave an intricate web of commerce between the numerous cities of the Southwest. Those ancient pathways are still visible from the air today. Most sites of this sort are located at La Cieneguilla, where Kokopelli is shown with a large macaw perched on a hoop.8 Macaws can be identified in petroglyphs in West Mesa, Albuquerque, and Galisteo Basin sites, Cahco Canyon, and north of Espanola, New Mexico. Today in the Andes of South America, medicine men travel from village to village with a flute and sack of corn.9 Traders from South America were observed by the newly arrived Spaniards, and called pochtecas. These traders were from an Aztec merchant guild and power base that operated at Casas Grandes and often carried large, over-loaded backpacks which would resemble a hump or hunchback when seen in rock art.10 (See figure 3) Also, the Meso-American god-Quetzacoatl, Moctezuma, and Xochiquetzal included men with deformed backs (humpbacks) in their courts and entourages in order to provide religious consultation and entertainment. They were also favored as sacrificial subjects.11 They appear in the architecture, sculpture and ceramic art of ancient Mesoamerica as persons of apparent social status. Linda Lay Shuler, author of She Who Remembers depicts Kokopelli among the Anasazi as a trader of Toltec origins, an expert flute player, and consummate lover. He is written as a human with special powers. She writes, "Kokopelli comes! He of the singing reed, he of the sacred seed, comes to assure the fertility and good fortune of our people" 12 In this way, he is portrayed as a trader/fertility man-god. Certain similarities exist between Pueblo and South American ceremonies that bear attention as another reason for Kokopelli's South American/Mesoamerican origins. Aztec and Pueblo cultures both are known to have impersonated gods. Sometimes, the shaman or medicine men impersonated a god for one year. Pueblos almost always used masks, yet Aztecs almost never used masks. However, speculation arises that the Pueblos may have acquired mask usage from the Spanish. Both cultures impersonated war gods, clowns, or kachina rain spirits. The mask of the kachina rain god is most prominent in both cultures. In certain ceremonies, Pueblo Indians continue this tradition. It was also believed by various Pueblo societies that a heavy thunderstorm after a person's death indicated that person had become a kachina, or god.13 The fact that Kokopelli is depicted so often as having a hump and erect phallus has led some scientists to believe that he suffered some kind of physical deformity. G.B. Webb, after analyzing several petroglyphs and pictographs asserts beyond a doubt that Kokopelli suffered from Pott's disease.14 Pott's disease is a form of tuberculosis, which causes a disfigurement of the spine (kyphosis), a permanently erect phallus, and sometimes club-foot. (See figure __, Slifer and Duffield) this kind of evidence is hard to ignore, and could account for the hump and phallus that occur on Kokopelli figures after A.D. 1000. This could mean that Kokopelli then evolved from a flute-playing trader from Mesoamerica to a disfigured, yet virile man who traveled among the Pueblos. Because the ancient people of the Pueblos did not understand what Pott's disease is, they could have possibly seen the disfigurement as a sort of consequence or price this person had to pay in order to be gifted with a permanent erection. Also, According to Associate Professor Todd Smith of the History Department of University of North Texas, the historic Comanche chief known to the white people as Buffalo Hump, was actually known among his people as Pochaquarship. This Comanche name means, Erection-That-Won't-Go-Down. He is said to have had a large hump between his shoulders, which resembled a buffalo's hump, hence his Anglo-given name. It is interesting to speculate the possibility that Pott's disease may have afflicted both Buffalo Hump and Kokopelli. After having applied stringent criteria in identifying Pott's disease, he discarded 11 or the 15 American cases of alleged prehistoric tuberculosis known by 1960. The evidence of Pott's disease is rather superficial, and it is doubtful that a person suffering from an untreated form of tuberculosis could travel to such an extent as he is believed to have done. The act of pursuing young maidens would have been an enormous feat of prowess for the victim of such a disease.15 If not Pott's disease, what then produced the hump on Kokopelli's back? An excerpt from a modern Hopi story, entitled, "The Man-Crazed Woman," sheds some light on this: One day the man, who had been abused by his wife, was again sitting by the mesa fraught with worries. As he sat there he kept thinking, "If I jump off here, I won't have to go home and suffer her mistreatment any more." He flung himself down. The cliff at this place was rather high, and it took a while until he struck the ground. Quite a bit of time passed until the man got well again. He had recovered to the point where he felt no pain any longer. However, since he had badly injured his back, he had a hump now.16 Another tale of the Hopi, called "The Long Kwasi of Kookopolo," tells of a boy infatuated with a beautiful girl. He is quite ugly and slow, with little physical ability, yet he has a long phallus (kwasi). He devises an ingenious way to copulate with the girl without her being aware of it. He dug a ditch from his house all the way to the dump. Have completed the excavation in the course of just one night, he installed a reed which reached exactly to the spot where the girl came to defecate. The he covered up the reed with earth and carefully removed all traces of his activity...Then it became daylight...when the girl had disappeared and gone down the mesa side, he pulled out his erect kwasi, and began inserting it into the reed. It was so long that it reach all the way to the end of the reed.17 Both stories depict Kokopelli as being extremely virile, in spite of some physical weakness. Kokopelli has long been considered a great god of fertility, which is obvious in the stories and artistic renderings of the Pueblo Indians. At the Tenabo (Tompiro/Pueblo IV) ruin near the Rio Grand river, Slifer and Duffield observed a petroglyph panel of a flute player "walking in a procession with a drum-major type personage, a second humpbacked figure, and another who appears to be bearing a large, seed-like object."18 Among modern-day Zunis and Hopis, Kokopelli is said to carry seeds, babies, and blankets in his hump to give to the young maidens he seduces.19 This would explain the presence of his hump, which would have clear fertility connotations along with the erect phallus. The flute is also considered to be a fertility element, as it is used in courtship ceremonies, rain ceremonies, and planting ceremonies. Evidently, the flute had a special role in Anasazi culture; flutes made of bone and wood have been found among their artifacts.20 Kokopelli is sometimes interpreted as a rain priest who calls the clouds with his flute. It is said that when sun-loving snakes appear to him, he plays his flute and it melts the snow and warms up the earth. This could be why he is often depicted with snakes in rock art scenes. At Hopi, flute societies play their flutes over springs in prayer for rain. Gourds are sometimes attached to the ends of the flutes.21 This tradition has spanned millennia, will be discussed further. The Zuni believe that Depicting Kokopelli in association with moisture-loving creatures, such as lizards and insects, helps their prayers in attracting rain.22 Kokopelli is also associated with the locust, and was often rendered in insect-like form among the ancient Pueblos. The locust, in the Hopi creation myth, was sent up from the dark underworld to explore the earth. The clouds shot many bolts of lightning through Locust, but he continued to play his flute and was unharmed.23 The locust and the grey desert robber fly are believed by the Pueblos to be notorious for the ability to reproduce. This would explain the various antennae and extra appendages seen on certain rock art sites depicting Kokopelli.24 Another fertility aspect of Kokopelli's origins is the Cloud Blower. Near the village of La Cienega, New Mexico, several flute player portrayals can be found. A line of Kokopellis is depicted in what is probably a ritual dance. Another is shown seemingly blowing a flute at a cloud terrace. The actual cloud blower instrument is a small horn-shaped object. Native tobacco smoke was blown through it in an attempt to attract rain clouds to the area.25 Southwest of Santa Fe, at a Tonque Arroyo site (Pueblo IV), there are several petroglyphs showing flute players seated on cloud terraces.26 Near La Cienega, again, another panel depicts an animated figure who holds his flute at an unusually high angle. Patterson-Rudolph believes this particular flute player is the Tewa Water Jar Boy myth and that the myth as a whole is depicted on the panel.27 (See Figure 4) In this myth, a young virginal maiden is impregnated by a spirit while mixing clay for a pot with her feet. She then bears a child, which resembles a jar, which actually contains a young boy. During a hunting trip with his grandfather, the young boy in the jar hits a rock, shattering his shell. He then goes on a quest to seek his father and finds him at a sacred spring. At the spring he meets a man who asks the boy: "Where are you going?" said the man "Well, my father is living here." "Who is your father?" said the man again. "Well, I think you are my father," said the boy. "How do you know I am your father?" said the man "Well, I know you are my father." Then the man looked at him, to scare him. The boy kept saying, "You are my father." Pretty soon the man said, "Yes, I am your father. I came out of the spring to meet you," and he put his arm around the boy's neck. His father was very glad his boy had come, and he took him down inside of the spring. A lot of people were living down inside of the spring, women and girls. After the boy leaves the spring, his mother gets sick and dies. He then decides to leave the village and go to live with his father, where he finds his mother alive and living in the spring. The panel of figure 4 does not seem to resemble the story, but taken in a symbolic context, the story unfolds quite nicely.28 The father figure in this story is shown on the panel as having a hump and erect phallus, signifying his fertility and his ability to impregnate young girls supernaturally. In this way, Kokopelli is reminiscent of God, impregnating the Virgin Mary, and Water Jar Boy is the special, sacred son whom he has begotten. In the Tewa village of Hano, on the Hopi reservation of Arizona, Kokopelli is seen in rock art as being a large black man who carries a buckskin bag. He known not as Kokopelli, but as Nepokwa'i.29 In the American Indian Almanac, John Upton Terrell goes into great detail about a black Moorish slave named Esteban. He tells of four strange men, naked but for loincloths, who crossed into the valley of the Rio Grande from the east accompanied by a group of Indians. One of these men was the leader, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Another was quite startling in appearance. He was the color of ebony, and he towered over the other three men. He "had a great head of kinky black hair adorned with bright feathers. His powerful muscles rippled, his white teeth gleamed, and he strode in a regal manner."30 The year was 1536, and these four men were the only survivors of the Narvaez expedition, which had wrecked on the Texas coast seven years before. Upon arriving at Mexico City, Esteban the Black was assigned to accompany a monk, Fray Marcos de Niza into the northern territories of the American Southwest. Although he was commanded to obey Fray Marcos, he refused, and became a shaman of sorts, as Cabeza de Vaca had, among the natives. He was the man the natives already knew, and he realized he would carry much more power than Fray Marcos could. In fact, Fray Marcos was completely dependent on Esteban for his survival. The Moor had acquired a gourd rattle from Indians in Texas. He used this to signify his power as a god among strange villages. He did this as Cabeza de Vaca had before him, and had much success. On the trail to the north, Esteban "acquired a harem, Indian girls he found especially pleasing, and they straggled along in his wake, much to the consternation and disapproval of Fray Marcos."31 So large did his entourage of followers become, the monk sent him ahead with orders to send back crosses of varying size depending on the importance of the discovery. Esteban's entourage followed him to the Zuni pueblo at Hawikuh. Following his custom, he sent the sacred gourd ahead with Indian emissaries to inform the Zunis that he was approaching. He had decorated the gourd with bells, and two feathers. The headman who received it examined it briefly, then hurled it to the ground in anger. Nonplussed, Esteban continued, and met with the headman. He was taken prisoner and questioned as to why he had come to their country. Esteban explained that a group of white men were following, who had been sent by a great lord, who "knew about things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct them in divine matters."32 The headman had Esteban killed and hacked to pieces to prove he was not a god. He did this because it seemed unreasonable to say that the people were white in the country from which he came, yet he was black. All of his possessions were distributed among the pueblos, except for the sacred gourd, which was thrown away.33 Young asserts that Esteban the Black may have been viewed as the sacred god Nepokwa'i or Kokopelli incarnated in human form by some, which would explain the unusual black renderings. Kokopelli is often used as a clan identification, according to Fewkes. He states that migration accounts of the Hopi/Tewa indicate that the Kokopelli kachina was introduced by the Asa Clan, which wandered from the upper Rio Grande to Zuni, settling in Hopi at the end of the 17th century.34 However, research indicates that the Hopi kachina appeared much earlier than this. The Asa Clan had lived for a time in Canyon de Chelly, a site of numerous rock art images of Kokopelli. He is said to have been an ancient leader who had brought the people of the Asa Clan from their home to Zuni. Grant asserts that Kokopelli represents the Flute Clan. He also states that Kokopelli may have been a leader in ancient times. According to a Hop source: "Flute player is clan symbol. Hunchback is a main leader in early times. Kokopelli was a regular man who did lots of good things and when he died was made into a kachina." 35 This informant further identified the humpbacked flute player as representing Spider Clan, Water Clan, and Titmouse Clan: This clan, this religion went north and is supposed to warm up earth. Even flute playing all the time didn't help, and those people had to turn back, and when they get to Oraibi they put this religion up. Those people had lots of songs to make country warm. These clans, Patkimyam (Water Clan) and Kokohyam (Titmouse Clan) have flutes. 36 This information brings to light the possibility that Kokopelli was an actual person who then became a deity. As state previously, Kokopelli is often depicted in the presence of, or in the form of anthropomorphs. In addition to being symbolic of a rain or fertility god, other paintings show him as a possible hunting god. At Mesa Verde, a modified great kiva shows several phallic humpbacked hunters, one of whom is wearing a headdress of mountain sheep horns.37 In Galisteo Basin near southern Tewa pueblo ruins, an impressive petroglyph of a phallic flute-playing rabbit appears (Pueblo IV). Near it, several more insectiform and zoomorphic flute player depictions occur. (See Figure 8) Northwest of Santa Fe, New Mexico, in the Jemez Mountains, a "dancing" Kokopelli faces a figure carrying a war club and threatening an Arrow-Swallower figure. Another Kokopelli figure at the site is shown next to a pregnant deer image.38 (See Figure 9) At a site along the San Juan River, a flute player is attached at the head by a long wavy line to the tail of a bighorn sheep.39 This may symbolize Kokopelli's ability to lure animals with his flute, in Pied Piper fashion. (See Figure 5) He is often depicted as part man, part animal, mostly with a human body and a zoomorphic head. His head may appear as that of a complete bird, to possibly signify the whistling of the flute he carries. The Navajo supernatural, Ghanaskidi is a humpbacked go, or ye'i, who represents a god of harvest, plenty, and mist. He wears horns, and often has a humped back with feathers radiating from it. He is equated with the mountain sheep, a valued game animal. Ghanaskidi is not depicted as being phallic.40 The Hohokam, not noted for their rock art images of Kokopelli, depict an unusual humpbacked figure playing the flute. On the flute is an animal, which may be a game animal.41 On pottery of the ancient Pueblos, Kokopelli's figure abounds. As noted previously, Hohokam did not depict Kokopelli figures in rock art very often. Rather, they limited the image to their pottery. They usually portrayed the flute player alone or in decorative rows of identical figures, with three to eight backward-directed head appendages. The Gila Butted phase (A.D. 750-A.D. 850) is about the earliest in which the flute player appears on their pottery.42 A collection of twenty-eight sherds of Hohokam pottery from Snaketown shows the flute player figure. He is almost never phallic and is often portrayed with a hump. Other cultures depict Kokopelli in their pottery, as well. During the Pueblo I period, a black and white bowl from Mesa Verde shows a non-phallic humpbacked flute player with a non-phallic humpbacked archer. The interior of the bowl is rimmed with a row of ducks. A black on white Anasazi bowl from the Dolores River drainage in southern Colorado depicts the flute player with a female figure, denoting the fertility context. The interior design of a Siyatki Polychrome bowl (Pueblo IV) from Awatovi, portrays a phallic, seated figure carrying a small rider piggy-back, and carrying an indeterminate object. The object may be a feathered stick or planting stick, or a dance wand. The opposite side of the bowl shows a female figure with arms and legs spread.43 (See Figure 6) It is evident that when most cultures began depicting the Kokopelli figure in rock art, they later followed up by using it in their ceramics. The different renderings of Kokopelli on ceramics are as diverse in content and context as they are in rock art. Ceremonies in which Kokopelli is represented tend to be quite earthy among the Pueblos. Among the Hopi, the dance rituals previously were considered too lewd for Anglo society. During Spring dance rituals in the past, Kokopelli impersonators displayed their genitals, but that has evolved into a costume involving an exaggerated false penis made from a gourd. Impersonators did not carry a flute, but masks worn by them had snouts so long as to resemble a nose whistle. The impersonator has a hump or wears a bog on his back, and probably carries a stick or rattle. During the ritual, he chases females, simulating copulation. Because reproduction and fertility are the core of Hopi beliefs, they do not look upon this kind of sexual manifestation as lewd. Birth and sex are facts of life.44 In Zuni, kachinas exist that resemble the Hopi's Kokopelli kachina. They have a ceremony which involves a phallic kachina minus a hump, called "Ololowishkya." Another figure is called "Owiwi," and does have a hump, or carries a pack of fetishes on his back. One ceremony involving Ololowishkya centers around the grinding of corn, men dressing as females, flute playing and rain dancing. Ololowishkya has a gourd phallus and urinates in six directions. This ceremony is important to the males of Zuni, because they believe it helps with reproduction.45 Both Hopi and Zuni have revised their publicly viewed ceremonies to better accommodate Anglo distaste for what they consider lewd and vulgar displays. Although no one is quite sure how the famous Kokopelli came to be, we can be sure that his image is quite fascinating to behold. I am of the opinion that the kachina of Kokopelli probably started with the Aztec pochtecas and evolved from a simple trader into a multi-faceted deity. More than likely, a number of different elements and persons contributed to the myth, which the pueblos Indians built on. As is noted earlier, Kokopelli figures were first created without the hump, then around A.D. 1000, around the time that Mesoamerican trade began with the Southwest, humpbacked figures appear. Whether one of these traders or local villagers suffered from Pott's disease remains a mystery, but drawings and legends show evidence that this person definitely was not normal. A universal trickster, fertility god, hunting god, trader, Kokopelli is an enigma. His true identity may never be found, but with continuing research, archaeologists may come to understand his origins more clearly. Bibliography Slifer, Dennis, and Duffield, James. Flute Player Images in Rock Art. Santa Fe, NM: Ancient City Press, 1994 Schaafsma, Polly. Indian Rock Art of the Southwest. Santa Fe and Albuquerque, NM: Avanyu Publishing, Inc., 1990 Grant, Campbell. Rock Art of the American Indian. Third printing. Dillon, CO: Vistabooks, 1992 Cole, Sally J. "Iconography and Symbolism in Basketmaker Rock Art." In Rock Art of the Western Canyons, ed. Jane S. Day, Paul D. Friedman, and Marcia J. Tate. Colorado Archaeological Society Memoir (Denver Museum of Natural History, 1989) Miller, Jay. "Kokopelli." Collected Papers in Honor of Florence Hawley Ellis. Edited by T.R. Frisbie. Archaeological Society of New Mexico Papers, 1975 Wellmann, Klaus F. "Kokopelli of Indian Paleology: Hunchbacked Rain Priest, Hunting Magician, and Don Juan of the Old West."Journal of the American Medical Association,1970 Linne', S. "Humpbacks of Ancient America." Ethnos, 1943 Shuler, Linda Lay. She Who Remembers. New York: Penguin Books, 1988 Hedrick, Basil Calvin. MesoAmerican Southwest. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1974 Webb, G.B. "Tuberculosis."Clio Medica. Edited by E.G. Krumbhaar. New York: Paul B. Hoeber, Inc., 1936 Morse, D. "Prehistoric Tuberculosis in America." American Review on Respiratory Disorders, 1961 Malotiki, Ekkardt. The Bedbugs' Night Dance and Other Hopi Sexual Tales. Parsons, Elsie Clews. "The Humpbacked Fluteplayer of the Southwest." American Anthropologist. 1938 Young, J.V. Kokopelli: Casanova of the Cliff Dwellers. Palmer Lake, CO: Filter Press, 1990 Patterson-Rudolph, Carol. Petroglyphs and Pueblo Myths of the Rio Grande. Albuquerque, NM: Avanyu Publishing, Inc., 1990 Terrell, John Upton. American Indian Almanac. New York. Barnes and Noble, Inc., 1994 Fewkes, Jesse Walter. "Hopi Kachinas Drawn by Native Artists." U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, Twenty First Annual Report for the Years 1899-1901., 1903 Turner, Christy G., II. "Petroglyphs of the Glen Canyon Region." Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin (Glen Canyon Series 4) Flagstaff, AZ., 1963 Alpert, Joyce M. "Kokopelli: A New Look at the Humpbacked Flute Player in Anasazi Rock Art." American Indian Art Magazine. Winter 1991 Young, M. Jane. Signs from the Ancestors. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988 Footnotes Slifer and Duffield, pg. 4 Schaafsma, pg. 136 Grant, pg. 60 Slifer and Duffield, pg. 4 Cole, pg. 3 Ibid., pg. 6 Miller, pg. 2 Slifer and Duffield, pg. 126 Grant, pg. 60 Wellmann, pg. 212 Linne', pg. 8 Shuler, pg. Hedrick, pg. 25 Webb, pg. 32 Morse, pg. 84 Malotki, pg. 37, 41 Ibid, pg. 185 Slifer and Duffield., pg. 52 Wellman., pg 214 Grant, pg. 40 Parson, pg. 40, Schaafsma, pg. 140 Wellmann, pg. 212 Parsons, pg. 40 Young, pg. 140 Slifer and Duffield, pg. 42 Ibid., pg. 49 Patterson-Rudolph, pg. 43-49 Ibid., pg. 47 Wellmann, Parsons Terrell, pg. 49 Ibid., pg. 52 Ibid., pg. 53 Ibid., pg 54 Fewkes, pg. 25 Turner, pg. 38 Ibid., pg 38 Schaafsma, pg. 141 Slifer and Duffield, pg. 44, 55 Ibid., pg. 86 Schaafsma, pg. 317 Slifer and Duffield, pg. 106 Ibid., pg 113 Ibid., pg. 110 Alpert, pg. 20 Young, pg. 141 |
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